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November 30, 2007

Still More Additions to "Sudan-Related RSS Feeds"

I held off on doing so earlier (largely because I thought that four feeds from one site would be overwhelming, if not confusing), but I've gone ahead now and added AlertNet's "Darfur conflict" and "South Sudan fragile peace" topic feeds to the big, big batch of Sudan-related RSS feeds (following the two broader AlertNet feeds in the first widget); consequently, due to space limitations (each individual widget can only handle so many total characters in the URLs), the three Sudan-specific sites that had been in that first widget (Sudanese Online, New Sudan Vision, and the "Juba Post") have been bumped down to the third. - EJM

Calls in Sudan for Execution of British Teacher / Sword-waving protesters call for death of teacher who named a bear Muhammad / Teacher moved to secret location as Sudanese demand stiffer sentence / British Muslims to fight for teacher's freedom

Links to many, many stories (and some other items) from the past day that update, most recently, the previous batch:

(Especially over the past day, Sudan.Net, Sudan Tribune, and Sudanese Online have also been posting/reprinting many related stories.  Drima has a brief new post, and has updated his earlier one.  And, while Rob Crilly hasn't posted anything new over the past few days, he's been busy with stories for "Time", the "Scotsman", and the UK's "Times". - EJM)

From the AP...

From AFP...

From DPA...

By Andrew Heavens, for Reuters

From the BBC...

From the UK's "Guardian"...

A "Comment Is Free" post by Soumaya Ghannoushi

From the UK's "Independent"

From the UK's "Times"

From the UK's "Telegraph"...

From the "Scotsman"

From the UK's "Herald"...

From the UK's "Daily Star"

From the UK's "Daily Express"

From the UK's "Sun"...

From the UK's "Evening Standard"

From the UK's "Mirror"

From "

A video report from the UK's Channel 4

From inthenews.co.uk

A UK "Daily Record" column by Joan Burnie

From the "Yorkshire Post"...

From the "Liverpool Daily Post"

From "Time"

By Bloomberg's Karl Maier

By Jeffrey Gettleman of the "New York Times"

From the "New York Daily News"

From the "New York Post"

From the "Irish Examiner"

From Al Jazeera

From CNN

From the CBC

From VOA

From Radio Netherlands

From PBS "NewsHour"

From CBN

By Heather Nauert of Fox News

From BosNewsLife

From AKI

From RTE

From Radio Australia

From Radio New Zealand

From Sky News Australia

From Press TV

A "GetReligion" post by Terry Mattingly

From the UK's "[Anglican] Church Times"

From Ekklesia

A "Jurist" post

Commentary by MAS Freedom's Ibrahim Abdil-Mu'id Ramey

An "Investor's Business Daily" editorial

A "Chicago Sun-Times" column by Rummana Hussain

A Waterloo, Ont., "Record" editorial

A "Wheeling [W.Va.] News-Register" editorial

A Fort Myers "News-Press" editorial

A "Cincinnati Post" editorial

A sampling of "San Francisco Chronicle" online-reader comments

Online-reader comments from the Salt Lake City "Deseret Morning News"

An IRD press release, via PR Newswire

An SHRO press release, reprinted on Sudan Tribune

An official post by Alan Ferguson of the Vancouver, B.C., "Province"

An original Sudan Tribune story

ICC Needs Backing to Bring Justice for War Crimes / International Criminal Court heading towards universality, says chief judge

Two items from today that somewhat update yesterday's Reuters story:

(See also a semi-related Inner City Press report.)

An HRW press release...

The United Nations secretariat and the 105 states that have joined the International Criminal Court should step up support for the court, so that it can bring justice for war crimes, Human Rights Watch said today [Friday] as the ICC opens its annual meeting in New York.

For the first time since 2003, the court’s annual Assembly of States Parties is taking place at UN headquarters. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon will address the session on December 3. The meeting, which lasts two weeks, will conclude on December 14. The 105 states parties to the ICC’s Rome Treaty, and numerous observer states, will participate. 

“The ICC has no police force of its own, so it needs robust political backing to bring accused war criminals to trial,” said Richard Dicker, director of Human Rights Watch’s International Justice Program. “At this year’s session, we are looking to the secretary-general and the states that created the court to convey their strong support for its work.” 

This year the Sudanese government has starkly shown the level of resistance the International Criminal Court faces in its work. Although the UN Security Council referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC in 2005, Khartoum has refused to hand over two individuals subject to ICC arrest warrants. The government has kept one suspect, Ahmed Haroun, in his post as state minister for humanitarian affairs, and even appointed him to a committee whose mandate includes hearing human-rights complaints. The government released the other suspect, “Ali Kosheib” (the nom de guerre of Ali Mohammed Ali), who had been in domestic custody. 

“The UN and its many members that have joined the court have been far too quiet about Khartoum’s frontal assault on the ICC and its blatant disregard for the Security Council resolution that referred Darfur to the court,” said Dicker. “The secretary-general should clearly call on Sudan to surrender suspected war criminals to the ICC.” 

At the annual assembly, states will make decisions on a range of issues including the court’s budget and election of new judges. 

With active conflicts in every situation where the ICC is involved – Darfur, eastern [DR] Congo, northern Uganda, and the Central African Republic – the relationship between peace and justice is also likely to feature prominently at the session. As peace talks to end the conflict in northern Uganda continued this year, some states parties at times seemed keen to support measures that could lead to impunity. The ICC issued arrest warrants in 2005 for leaders of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army for crimes committed in northern Uganda. 

“It is hardly surprising that bringing peace and holding perpetrators to account will generate tension, especially in the short-term,” said Dicker. “It is precisely at these moments that the UN secretariat and states must work to advance both objectives.” 

Experience belies claims that justice thwarts peace, Human Rights Watch said. The unsealing of the indictment of former Liberian president Charles Taylor for crimes committed in Sierra Leone – issued while he attended peace talks to end the conflict in Liberia – was strongly criticized at the time for potentially jeopardizing the negotiations. Yet, only a couple of months later, a peace agreement on Liberia was concluded as Taylor stepped down from power. 

“Justice is not something that can be traded away in peace talks, like a poker chip,” said Dicker. “That approach threatens a durable peace.”

From the UN News Service...

The International Criminal Court (ICC) is now over halfway towards achieving its goal of universal acceptance, the court’s President, Judge Philippe Kirsch, told the Assembly of States Parties today [Friday], calling for ratifications and accessions by the world’s countries to continue.

Judge Kirsch told the Assembly’s sixth session, held at United Nations Headquarters in New York, that the Court has made “significant progress” as it nears the tenth anniversary of the adoption of the Rome Statute in July 1998, which led to the tribunal’s founding.

“The Court is fully operational,” he said. “Investigations and proceedings are ongoing in four situations. Victims are participating in proceedings, and the Trust Fund for Victims is functioning.

“Most importantly, it is increasingly recognized that the Court is having the impact for which it was created by the States Parties, by contributing to the deterrence of crimes and improving chances for sustainable peace.”

Some 105 countries have become States Parties to the ICC, with Japan and Chad the latest to do so, and Judge Kirsch called for the number of accessions and ratifications to keep rising.

“Working together, we can ensure that the Court makes lasting and sustainable contributions to justice, peace and accountability around the world.”

He also stressed that the Court, which is based in The Hague in the Netherlands, regards the establishment of permanent premises as a priority, and added that the Court has held fruitful dialogue on this issue with the Dutch Government.

In addition, he called for the world’s countries to demonstrate greater support for the ICC, whether in practical cooperation measures such as the arrest of suspects, or by advocating publicly on behalf of the Court.

ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo used his address to detail the work of his office, particularly in the cases [that] it is investigating concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the Central African Republic (CAR), northern Uganda, and the Sudanese region of Darfur.

He urged States Parties to play their part to ensure the arrest of the men who have already been indicted by the Court: Joseph Kony and four other commanders [sic] of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda, and two figures from the Darfur conflict.

“In Rome, States created a new system of justice where the worst criminals would not be allowed in the sharing of power any longer [and] where the use of massive violence against civilians would neither be rewarded nor forgotten,” he said.

“The Rome system was built upon the lessons learned from the last century when the international community failed, failed to protect entire populations,” he added, cautioning that “the lack of arrest can affect the credibility and long-term deterrent impact of the Court.”

Darfur's final chance: The UN is on the verge of abandoning its plan to send troops to Darfur. It must not be allowed to do so. (by Eric Reeves)

His latest "Comment Is Free" post...

(See also his similar "New Republic" item from a few days ago.)

On [Tuesday], UN under-secretary[-general] for peacekeeping, Jean-Marie Guéhenno, raised the terrifying prospect that the UN-authorised peacekeeping force for Darfur may well have to be aborted because of obstructionism on the part of the Khartoum regime. Guéhenno declared that, because of Khartoum's actions, we are fast approaching a moment in which members of the UN [Security Council] will have to ask a critical question:

Do we move ahead with the deployment of a force that will not make a difference, that will not have the capability to defend itself, and that carries the risk of humiliation of the [Security Council] and the United Nations and tragic failure for the people of Darfur?

The question, of course, answers itself. Privately, Guéhenno and other UN officials suggest an even-gloomier picture of a mission that has already largely collapsed and is far behind on deployment benchmarks.

To be sure, the unprecedented UN/African Union "hybrid" mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has been badly compromised by the refusal of militarily capable nations of the world to provide the two dozen transport and tactical helicopters required, at a bare minimum, for security and protection operations in Darfur. Not a single Nato country has offered even one helicopter. Sadly, this serves as too accurate a measure of the real concern for Darfur on the part of those whose rhetoric has been most fulsome. But it is brazen obduracy on the part of the Khartoum regime that has created the deepest threat that the people of Darfur will be left entirely without protection, and that humanitarian operations will have to be suspended throughout the region. The UN estimates that 4.2 million people are currently in need of humanitarian assistance.

Of course, Khartoum's obduracy has long been in evidence. Four months after the [Security Council] authorised the present peace-support operation to Darfur under Resolution 1769, and 15 months after a previous [Security Council] resolution authorised a similar operation, Khartoum is still objecting to the UN/AU-proposed roster of countries that are to provide troops, civilian police, and engineering and medical units. Khartoum refuses to grant landing rights to heavy transport aircraft or allow night flights (critical for both civilian protection and medivac needs). It refuses to grant adequate access to the Port of Sudan or expedited off-loading of equipment there. And it refuses to grant adequate land or water rights in the arid Darfur region.

What will follow from a UN decision to abort UNAMID? Utter catastrophe. The exceedingly weak, under-manned, and under-resourced African Union mission in Darfur will collapse entirely. This badly demoralised force is barely functioning now, and is simply trying to hold on until December 31, 2007, when the AU mission is supposed to be incorporated into UNAMID, under UN auspices. But given Khartoum's obstructionism, this transfer will be at best symbolic: there may be UN auspices, but no meaningful deployment of UN troops or resources. And as soon as it becomes clear that a meaningful UNAMID is not deploying, African nations will quickly withdraw their troops, which have already endured an unconscionable number of casualties, most at the hands of rebel groups that resent AU impotence on the ground and political accommodation of Khartoum's génocidaires by AU leaders. This will leave no protection forces of any kind, for civilians or humanitarians.

Last January, humanitarian organisations made clear [that] they felt [that] they had reached the furthest extreme of tolerable insecurity. One open letter came from a group of six distinguished nongovernmental organisations; another open letter came from all 14 UN operational humanitarian organisations in Darfur, including Unicef and the World Food Programme. No UN humanitarian operation had previously issued such a clear and public warning of impending collapse. These organisations, too, have been holding on with the hope that the UN would finally provide protection for them and the civilians [that] they so courageously serve. If they are disappointed in their hopes, they will leave; an already-intolerable situation will rapidly collapse into anarchy.

With no international presence - by the UN, by the AU, or by international aid organisations - there will be nothing to constrain Khartoum or the rebels, or the various armed elements and bandits that contribute so much to present insecurity. Confrontations between Khartoum's armed forces, including its Janjaweed militia allies, and camps for displaced persons are likely to escalate quickly, and may become a series of pitched battles. Khartoum is likely to use its Antonov bombers and helicopter gun-ships in such battles, ensuring massively disproportionate civilian casualties in and around some 200 camps.

It is intolerable that the international community seems prepared to accept what will be cataclysmic human destruction. There can hardly be any doubt that the UNAMID force is badly conceived, has an ambiguous command-and-control structure, and is excessively reliant on African nations that cannot provide adequate numbers of fully-equipped, self-sufficient troops and civilian police, per UN standards. The hybrid nature of the mission was itself a poorly calculated concession to Khartoum, in the wake of the regime's defiance of the previous UN resolution authorising force to Darfur, Resolution 1706, passed on August 31, 2006.

But UNAMID is now the only arrow in the quiver: there is no other force on the horizon, no other means for protecting civilians and humanitarians. If Nato nations aren't prepared to provide the 24 helicopters [that] the UN mission requires, they are hardly likely to participate in or provide resources for any non-consensual deployment of force to Darfur, a nightmarishly difficult logistical and military undertaking in any event.

UNAMID must succeed. If it does not, the only question is only how long it will be before Darfur slides into cataclysmic destruction, with no means of halting that slide. This is the stark choice before the international community: is it prepared to see UNAMID fail, or will it rally the resources and exert the pressure on Khartoum, both of which are both critical to UNAMID's success?

The UN secretary-general and under-secretary[-general] for peacekeeping should send public, individual letters to every militarily capable nation within the world body, asking why it cannot provide at least one of the required helicopters. The public should make explicit demands of their governments, especially countries that possess significant amounts of military equipment, like the required helicopters: the US, the UK, France, Germany, the Netherlands, South Africa, and India.

But again, the larger problem, and thus the larger task, is to exert sufficient pressure on Khartoum to end its obstructionist ways. The key here is China, widely recognised - including within the UN's political offices - as having unrivalled leverage with the National Islamic Front (National Congress Party) regime. China alone of the major powers can demand of Khartoum (if no doubt behind closed doors) that the broad campaign to stall and ultimately eviscerate UNAMID must end. And yet, a well-placed UN official recently told me that it is the consensus at Turtle Bay that China was becoming more, not less, supportive of Khartoum's intransigence. After a brief, but apparently successful, Darfur public-relations campaign, Beijing has evidently decided that it may resume its uncritical support of all decisions made by the NIF regime, no matter what the consequences for the people of Darfur.

Either this changes, or there is no chance that Khartoum will be moved by other actors. In turn, this obliges nations like Germany, France, the US, and the UK to use the very considerable leverage deriving from their individual bilateral relations with Beijing to push China to act. Currently, all four of these major Western powers have moved Darfur to the third- or even fourth-tier in bilateral relations. Germany and France seem much more concerned about trade relations with China than Darfur, despite the tough talk coming from Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy. The UK under Gordon Brown seems adrift after years of vacuous rhetoric from Tony Blair's government. And the US places Taiwan, North Korea, Iran, trade, and international terrorism far, far above any professed concern for Darfur. Again, civil society must play the key role of demanding that China, vulnerably exposed host of the 2008 Olympic Games, be pushed hard to use its massive influence with Khartoum to change the regime's behaviour.

It's a long shot. But the odds against protecting the people of Darfur become greater every day, and we are now at the tipping point. Urgency is the essential watchword: we have only days or weeks before allowing events to be set in motion that will see many hundreds of thousands of people die.

Eric Reeves is professor of English language and literature at Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts. He has spent the past seven years working full-time as a Sudan researcher and analyst, publishing extensively both in the US and internationally. He has testified several times before [Congress], has lectured widely in academic settings, and has served as a consultant to a number of human-rights and humanitarian organisations operating in Sudan. Working independently, he has written on all aspects of Sudan's recent history, and is author of the recently released A Long Day's Dying: Critical Moments in the Darfur Genocide.

Money over human lives ("Austin American-Statesman" editorial)

From (apparently) Friday's edition, as posted on the paper's blog (thanks to Save Darfur)...

(This is based on a story from earlier in the week "Perry's Iran-divestment push runs into opposition". - EJM)

The resistence by some state officials to a legislative directive requiring state pension funds to divest holdings in companies doing business with Sudan raises the question of whether profit trumps humanity, when it comes to public investment funds.

There certainly should be a moral line drawn when the investments help finance something as evil and immoral as the Sudanese government. Yet, we’re told by some state officials who oversee investments of the state’s two largest public pension funds - the Teacher Retirement System and the state Employees Retirement System - that their obligation is to deliver the best possible investment returns for their members.

It seems like every month we’re getting news about the atrocities inflicted on Africans who live in the Darfur region of Sudan. Last month, dozens of women described to international envoys visiting Sudan how they and other women and girls were repeatedly raped and beaten by Sudanese government-backed Arab militias.

Are mass rapes something [that] state employees, teachers, and retired public employees and educators want their dollars to support simply because the return is good?

The Bush Administration has said that the campaign of violence that has killed 200,000 Darfur people and displaced tens of thousands of others amounts to genocide. What kind of return is worth that investment? And are there any investments too evil to reject ?

Those in charge of the fund said [that] divesting from such investments won’t make a difference in stopping violence.

Gov. Rick Perry this year rightly signed legislation mandating that the two state pension funds sell shares of companies that do business in Sudan. Perry also is calling for those pension funds to divest holdings in companies doing business with Iran. That is a debate worth having when the Legislature reconvenes in 2009.

In the meantime, the two pension funds should divest from companies with ties to Sudan. That truly would be an exercise in morality.

Where are the sanctions? (by AADG's Nikki Serapio)

A new post on the group's blog...

The Darfur movement has been remarkably clear and coordinated on its position about imposing targeted multilateral and bilateral sanctions against the Government of Sudan’s senior leaders. The Save Darfur Coalition, ENOUGH, STAND, GI-NET, and many others, including my own organization, have made it clear that targeted sanctions (i.e., asset freezes and travel bans, among other things) need to be imposed by the UN Security Council, the European Union, and individual European countries, if and whenever the Government of Sudan obstructs the urgently needed deployment of UN peacekeepers to Darfur—a deployment that the Security Council authorized this summer.

Well, this trigger for targeted sanctions—the obstruction of UN deployment—has been pulled. And Khartoum has pulled the trigger again and again these past few months. Indeed, this week, the UN’s top peacekeeping official confirmed what Darfur activists have seen for a while now. Here’s the relevant description of what the Government of Sudan is doing, as mentioned in a New York Times article from this Wednesday:

The official, Jean-Marie Guéhenno, told the Security Council that Sudan was resisting accepting specialized troops from non-African militaries that were critical to the mission, blocking support staff and materials from the area through bureaucratic maneuvers, and withholding needed land and permissions for the assignment of helicopters.

In addition, he said, the government in Khartoum was asserting the right to close down the force’s communications when its own army was operating in the area and was refusing to give United Nations planes clearance to fly at night. “The mission has the mandate to protect civilians,” Mr. Guéhenno said, “and that responsibility does not end at sunset.”

It’s time for the Darfur movement to be loud on this issue. While there have been a number of important action alerts issued lately—calling on China to stop its support of Khartoum, calling on Congress to fund Darfur peacekeeping—the sanctions issue, in AADG’s view, should take top priority. Imposing multilateral sanctions against Khartoum’s senior leaders and the companies [that] they own will impose heavy costs, and as most Darfur analysts believe, these costs (or else Khartoum’s perception that these costs are likely imminent) will make the perpetrators of genocide back down.

In short, if effective targeted sanctions are imposed, the Government of Sudan will most likely stop obstructing the deployment of UN peacekeepers, which are urgently needed to end the dying and rape in Western Sudan.

One last note: the U.S. has an important part to play in pushing through targeted sanctions. The White House imposed unilateral economic sanctions against the Government of Sudan this May, but these were too weak to have any effect, in part because the Sudanese government is rapidly moving away from the U.S. dollar as its primary transactional currency. Right now, though, the U.S. needs to ramp up the international and bilateral diplomacy significantly, particularly on its European allies, who have been noticeably silent on targeted sanctions these past few months. The people of Darfur will continue to suffer until President Bush and others finally make stopping genocide a top-tier foreign-policy priority.

RELATED ACTION: Click here to e-mail your [senators]—[and] ask them to urge President Bush to help impose targeted multilateral and bilateral sanctions against the Government of Sudan’s senior leaders and the companies [that] they own.

Darfur Debated (by Roberta Cohen)

The intro to a new Brookings-Bern Project report...

(The full report is available as a three-page PDF.)

Essential to effective planning in an emergency is knowing the scope of the disaster, the number of civilians who died, and from what cause. Yet in the Darfur emergency, it has proved particularly difficult to affirm with any certainty the number of people who have perished and in what way. The principal obstacle has been the government of Sudan. Itself directly involved in ethnic cleansing, it has prevented compilation of credible mortality statistics. While the loss of life from the Israeli-Hizbollah conflict of 2006 was precisely determined, thus allowing families and communities to mourn, there has been a systematic effort by the regime of Omar Hassan al-Bashir to cover up the death toll in Darfur. The government of Sudan has claimed that only 9,000 have died. The UN, however, says that more than 200,000 have perished, whereas Amnesty International estimates 300,000 (95,000 killed and more than 200,000 dead from conflict-related hunger or disease) and the Save Darfur Coalition, an umbrella group of NGOs, places the total at 400,000.

This wide range of estimates has generated intense disputes about how the statistics have been developed, time-frames used, and whether all causes of death (killings as well as starvation and disease) have been included. Deliberately underestimating the numbers can contribute to international inaction but, on the other hand, exaggerating death tolls in order to raise the alarm can undermine credibility and put into doubt all statistics. It can also make constructive dialogue more difficult, and lead the Sudanese regime to put further obstacles in the way of aid deliveries, since it makes no distinction between advocacy groups and relief suppliers.

The debate over numbers points up the absence both of standardised data collection and of an authoritative international body with the mandate and authority to collect and disseminate mortality and morbidity data in emergencies. Without such a body, different actors, whether governments, UN agencies, NGOs, or experts, will continue to make their own ad hoc estimates of mortality in emergencies, with the result that nobody really knows the scope of the crisis.

U.N. humanitarian chief says Darfur security worsening / Security must improve before displaced in Darfur can return home – UN aid chief

Four stories from today that update yesterday's UN News Service preview item:

By Reuters' Opheera McDoom (also here)...

A decline in security and bureaucratic obstacles are hindering the world's largest aid operation in Sudan's Darfur region, the U.N. humanitarian chief said on Friday.

Darfuris who tried to answer [Sir] John Holmes's questions were intimidated by Sudanese officials as he toured the El-Neem camp, which houses some 50,000 Darfuris driven from their villages by tribal clashes and fighting between army and rebels.

It was Holmes's second visit to Darfur, where U.N. experts estimate that 200,000 people have been killed in four years of fighting, and 2.2 million have been displaced from their homes.

"I think [that] the security situation is probably worse now than it was eight months ago," Holmes said. "Carjackings at gunpoint -- this is almost a daily occurrence."

He also said [that] aid workers continued to face problems gaining exit visas and travel permits.

The population of the el-Neem camp has exploded from 15,000 a year ago, to 50,000, as fighting has emptied nearby villages.

Heavily armed police crammed into trucks escorted Holmes to the camp, sending the African Union troops who were due to protect him back to their base.

Holmes also brought his own security detail, who carried rifles, hand-guns, and knives, clearly making him uncomfortable.

The usual welcoming crowds were noticeably absent, and as Holmes walked through the camp, Sudanese security men wearing dark glasses loomed intimidatingly over the shoulder of anyone he spoke to, preventing any private dialogue.

Nafisa Hassan, 35, from the non-Arab Fur tribe, said [that] she and her nine children had walked for eight hours to reach el-Neem almost a year ago, after their village was burned down.

But before she could answer a question about who attacked them, government officials ordered her to go home.

Al-Nazir Mohamed Abdallah, from the non-Arab Tunjur tribe, who arrived in el-Neem in May, [decided] to brave the intimidation.

"It was the Janjaweed, they attacked us," he said, before the official stopped the interview.

MURDER AND ARSON

The Darfur conflict erupted in 2003, when mostly non-Arab tribes took up arms, accusing the Arab-dominated Khartoum government of neglect.

The government retaliated by arming mainly Arab militias, known locally as Janjaweed, but says [that] it is not responsible for their campaign of murder, rape, arson, and plunder.

The situation has become progressively more chaotic as some militias have cut ties with Khartoum and [as] the rebels have split into factions.

Magboula Hussein Mustafa, 25, was one of the first people to flee to el-Neem, after her village was burnt in 2004.

She said [that] many different tribes had lived together in peace in her area, but [that] the conflict had changed all that.

"We have lost our men, our children, our villages, and our homes in this war," she said. "We were attacked[;] they burnt our homes and took all our things."

Khartoum is anxious for the refugees to return home, and Holmes heard that many people wanted to go, but needed guarantees of security and water first.

"They are clearly fed up of living in camps, and who can blame them?" he said. "There's no employment ... life isn't safe -- particularly for the women.

"It's pretty tough, and they want to go home, and I'm sure [that] they will go home, as soon as the conditions allow -- but it's pretty clear that the conditions don't allow for that."

From AFP...

UN humanitarian chief [Sir] John Holmes toured a dusty and depressed Darfur camp on Friday, warning that security was deteriorating and calling on the Sudan government to end restrictions.

Surrounded by security men and aides, with reporters scurrying behind, Holmes walked past straw huts and donkeys in El-Neem camp, which has swollen from 15,000 people displaced by the conflict, to nearly 50,000, in one year.

He spoke with a mother and a young man in the sand outside their huts, and was briefed by camp representatives on the difficulties [that] they face and how insecurity for women, in particular, was causing incidents of rape.

"I think [that] the security situation is probably worse now than it was eight months ago. There's been more fighting, more instability, and more displacement of people," Holmes told reporters after visiting the camp in South Darfur.

"The humanitarian situation has deteriorated somewhat, not dramatically perhaps, but in terms of access, in terms of security, things are more difficult. So it's a worrying time," Holmes said in the town of Ed-Daien.

"There are still very big problems in most of Darfur. There may be parts where it's a bit quieter, but for the moment, we seem to have seen rather more problems in the last few months than there had been before," he said.

During Holmes's visit, his security detail asked the African Union contingent helping to protect his convoy to leave, after an argument between one of its officers and a Sudanese-government policeman, security officials said.

The United Nations has voiced increased frustration with Khartoum over key obstacles delaying the deployment of the biggest UN peacekeeping mission in history, and Holmes added bureaucratic problems for aid workers to the list.

He said [that] the United Nations would continue to press the government to provide humanitarian workers with as much access and security as possible.

"One of the big problems in this area is insecurity for the NGOs and the agencies, particularly car hijacking at gunpoint. This is almost a daily occurrence, and has a huge effect on the ability of the agencies to operate.

"We would like to resolve these problems through the forums of dialogue [that] we set up, rather than just hear about them or be faced with arbitrary decisions that are very difficult to reverse," he said.

Local Sudanese said what they wanted from the United Nations, which has raised huge expectations of hope among the impoverished victims of war in Darfur, was answers to their problems.

"We lost our husbands, our children, everything," a woman calling herself Mabulassain told Holmes via a translator as the convoy engines kept humming outside, so [that] the drivers could sit in the air conditioning.

"Our freedom is very restricted. If we go around to collect firewood, we face rape or many difficulties," she added.

Holmes expressed the hope that the UN peacekeeping mission due to relieve poorly equipped AU soldiers on January 1 would help, but also said [that] it could not work miracles.

"It will not solve all the problems, just like that. It will not produce miracles, but we hope [that] it will be helpful," he said.

"The United Nations will do its best, without wanting to promise miraculous solutions."

Holmes, head of the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), arrived in Khartoum on Wednesday, as part of a tour of East Africa.

From the AP...

The U.N. aid chief voiced concern [on] Friday at the worsening situation in Darfur, as he inspected a fast-growing refugee camp in the region and promised to urge the Sudanese government to cease "arbitrary decisions" blocking humanitarian efforts.

[Sir] John Holmes, the U.N. envoy, said [that] he hoped [that] an upcoming U.N.-African Union peacekeeping force would help make the region safer.

October has been one of the worst months for aid workers in Darfur since the crisis began, with seven humanitarian workers killed by various warring factions and near-daily hijackings. Also, peace talks between rebels and the government have stalled, threatening more chaos.

The U.N. says [that] 270,000 more people fled from their homes so far this year because of the violence, adding to Darfur's estimated [2.5] million refugees, largely ethnic-African villagers.

"In terms of access, in terms of security, things are more difficult: it's a worrying time," Holmes told reporters after visiting the el-Neem refugee camp in South Darfur.

Delegates from the 50,000-strong camp, which tripled in size this year, told Holmes [that] they faced daily insecurity, even though the camp lies in a relatively stable area.

"We've been suffering every day," said Magbuba Hussein Mustafa, a woman representative from the camp. "We've lost everything: our husbands, our children, our villages," she added.

Refugees desperately hope [that] the 26,000-strong U.N.-AU force due in January to replace the current, overwhelmed AU mission will finally help end the violence.

Holmes, who was here eight months ago, told The Associated Press that Darfur was U.N.'s "biggest humanitarian operation in the world," and that he intends to visit regularly.

Darfur's conflict erupted in 2003, when ethnic African rebels took arms against the Arab-dominated central government, accusing it of decades of discrimination. The government is accused of retaliating with militias of Arab nomads known as the janjaweed, and is blamed for the bulk of the atrocities in a conflict that has killed over 200,000 people.

Though widespread killings have ceased, ethnic-African refugees and aid groups that help them continue to face near-daily harassment.

Holmes said [that] he would press senior Sudanese officials to improve humanitarian access to Darfur and [to] better implement a cooperation agreement [that] the U.N. signed with Khartoum earlier this year.

Holmes condemned the expulsions of several U.N. and aid group members in recent months, saying [that] he wanted the government to discuss such cases in advance, so [that] the U.N. wouldn't "be faced with arbitrary decisions that are very difficult to reverse."

But tensions against the AU force run high across the troubled region — something that was also evident during Holmes' visit to el-Neem, a relatively affluent, government-controlled camp in a verdant area of Darfur.

Holmes came with an entourage of government-provided troops, U.N. escorts and also AU peacekeepers. As he went in with four pickup trucks jammed with heavily armed police and paramilitaries — escorts from the Sudanese government — he apologized to the refugees for bringing "so many soldiers and police."

Some of the government-provided escorts were from a militia known as the Central Reserve Police, which critics say has incorporated many janjaweed. One of the force's chiefs in southern Darfur, Ali Kushayb, has been charged with crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

Seeing Holmes' AU escorts inside the camp, local Sudanese police chief Col. Muhatazem Ibrahim ordered them to leave.

"This is not your country[;] leave now!" Ibrahim yelled at an AU officer with Holmes.

Although this counters agreements with the United Nations, Holmes' U.N. escorts eventually asked the AU peacekeepers to leave, [in order] to avoid more incidents.

From the UN News Service...

Darfur’s hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) will only return to their home villages and areas once security conditions improve and basic services are operating, the top United Nations humanitarian official said today [Friday] after visiting one of the war-wracked Sudanese region’s biggest IDP camps.

Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator [Sir] John Holmes met with IDP representatives at South Darfur state’s Ed Daein camp, which is currently home to an estimated 50,000 people.

“Clearly, after living in camps – in some cases for over three years – they are frustrated,” he said. “While they expressed a strong desire to return to their home areas, all the people [that] I spoke with were unequivocal that they would only be able to do so when security conditions were right, and [when] services were in place.”

In total, at least 2.2 million Darfurians are either internally displaced or live as refugees in neighbouring countries because of fighting between rebels, Government forces, allied militia, and tribal groups since 2003. More than 200,000 others have been killed.

Mr. Holmes also met today with aid workers [in order] to discuss the continuing challenges [that] they face in trying to bring relief in Darfur, where car hijackings, assaults, and harassment have become increasingly common.

“Many organizations also expressed their frustration at bureaucratic impediments which continue to hamper an effective and efficient response,” the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said in a media statement.

A combination of poor rainfall, infestations, and birds mean [that] there could be a poor harvest this season, and UN agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are warning about a serious food gap emerging, possibly as early as January [of] next year.

While in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur, the Emergency Relief Coordinator held a short meeting with the Wali, or provincial governor, [in order] to discuss mutual concerns about the situation.

Tomorrow [Saturday] Mr. Holmes is scheduled to travel to El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur and the home of the planned hybrid UN-African Union peacekeeping mission (UNAMID), for talks with UN staff, partner organizations and local authorities.

Chad Rebels Declare War on Foreign Force / EU troops "enemies", Chad rebels say / EU Chad force unaffected by rebel threat - Sarkozy / Irish deployment in Chad postponed / Wounded soldiers crowd hospitals as fighting intensifies

Links to various related (and somewhat-overlapping) stories from over the past day that update, most recently, yesterday's batch primarily concerning the latest fighting:

From the AP...

From AFP...

From Reuters...

From the BBC...

By VOA's Nico Colombant

From DPA

From RTE

From IRIN

From the UK's "Telegraph"

By Andrew Geoghegan of Australia's ABC

From Austria's "Wiener Zeitung"

Prisons Service: No more space to absorb Sudanese refugees

From "Haaretz"...

The Israel Prison Service warned [on] Friday that it would be unable to accomodate the growing number of detained Sudanese refugees, since facilities designated specifically for their absorption are nearly filled to capacity.

Prison officials said that, at the current influx rate of refugees entering Israel, all available space would be filled by next week.

The statement comes on the heels of an incident early [on] Thursday in which the Israel Defense Forces deserted a group of 15 Sudanese refugees on the Be'er Sheva-Dimona Highway. The army had been transporting the refugees to Soroka Hospital in Be'er Sheva for medical treatment.

The refugees were then spotted by a family in Ar'ara, and four of them - all men without families - found work in the Arad area. Three refugee families were taken to Eilat.

The IDF issued a response saying that the refugees were deserted because no authorized institution had agreed to accept them. They were initially to be given shelter in the Ketziot Prison, but the soldiers were informed [that] the prison did not have room to accomodate them.

Prison officials replied that 950 Sudanese refugees are currently being cared for in Ketziot Prison, and they are unaware of anyone denying an IDF request to house additional refugees.

Social change for the next generation


  • Sudan_darfur_girlwchild_dscandling_img13

    Young girl with infant child at refugee camp in Darfur. Photo by Dan Scandling, Office of U.S. Representative Frank Wolf

Hack the Noosphere: face2face and online

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The Passion of the Present (the essay)


  • -

    In Darfur, a region in western Sudan approximately the size of Texas, over a million people are threatened with torture and death at the hands of marauding militia and a complicit government. Genocide evokes not only the moral, but also, the legal responsibility of the world community. Under international agreement, a nation must intervene to stop a genocide when it is officially acknowledged.

    "Officially" is the key word here. So far, no nation in the international community has "officially" acknowledged the truth: Sudan is a bleeding ground of genocide. In this void, the Sudanese government continues to act with brutal impunity.

    Thankfully, there are individuals working in human rights organizations who are watching - and witnessing - and organizing, in support of the victims in Darfur. These individuals represent, for all of us, a personal capacity to bear witness to the passion of the present; one candle lit against the darkness.

    However, before one can light a candle, someone has to strike a match: a donation to any of the human rights organizations active in Sudan, contacting your government representative, local newspaper, radio and t.v. station. Our individual activism is essential for the candlepower of witness to overcome and extinguish the firepower of genocide.

    This world has long endured wars that take lives. Let us be part of one that saves them.

    About: The Passion of the Present site is a totally non-profit labor of love and hope - in peace. Thanks for joining the effort.

  • Detailed administrative map of Sudan
  • Oil concession maps
  • Climate and biogeography of Sudan
  • Satellite Images of destruction in Darfur, from USAID

About this blog

  • Greenribbons_3
    SaveDarfur.org partner

  • GOOGLE SEARCH THIS SITE: More than 2966 chronological posts from April, 2004. Try "oil" "China" "women" "genocide treaty" "UN" "Kofi Annan" "timelines" "grassroots".


  • Our name comes from an essay entitled "The Passion of the Present" that one of our grassroots founders wrote and circulated by email in March of 2004. The blog started at the Berkman Center at Harvard Law School.

    The editors are semi-anonymous in order to keep the focus on Sudan. This site is a resource for a blog-based information community now numbering several hundred interlinked bloggers and sites. Visitors come from around the world. Daily traffic ranges from just under a thousand visitors, to more than eight thousand on days when news attention peaks.

    Our technology cost for a public blog service, with no special discount, is still just $13.46 per month! Start a blog if you don't have one already!

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